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One of these frescoes, from the Old Testament cycle, the creation of the world plate 8 , offers a last opportunity for warning the reader about the complexity of memory and time, the inventiveness to which both of these concepts, both continually important to this book, are susceptible.

The God who creates the world of the fresco is Christ, the Redeemer, with the wounds from the nails clearly apparent in His hands and feet. The world He creates is a disc within a circling firmament decorated with heavenly bodies. The disc itself is cut as if by the letter X into four parts, of which the top three represent aspects of earthly nature. In the fourth a man brandishing an axe, as if to clear for planting, stands behind a pair of oxen pulling a plow: that is, a representation of the labor to which humankind was driven after the Fall.

But it serves, I think, as a cautionary exemplum. The memories, or reconstructed memories, of the people of this book, which recall the past of their own and earlier lives, sensible and generally trustworthy as they usually seem, live in a world of higher memory, the sequences of which are not always measured by succeeding days and hours.

The same woman in the same room in the Valcellina village of Claut in the Friuli a in and b in Photographs by Italo Zannier. Reproduced by permission. Facade and north flank of the rural church of Santa Vittoria near Monteleone Sabina reconstructed under Bishop Dodone in the mid-twelfth century. Photograph by Barbara Bini. The early country apse of Santa Vittoria near Monteleone Sabina with surrounding olive trees and landscape.

Facade and south flank of the late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century urban Augustinian Hermit's friar's church of Sant'Agostino, Rieti, with its campanile. The late city apse of Sant'Agostino within the thirteenth-century walls of Rieti. Fresco of Christ blessing, removed from the external wall of the small church of San Sebastiano in Canetra, thought to be thirteenth-century, now in the museum of the cathedral of Rieti.

Madonna and Child, portable statue cm in height in wood polychrome, from the parish church of Santa Maria di Sambuco near Fiamignano in the Cicolano, removed for restoration after heavy and prolonged resistance by the parishioners, and now in the museum of the cathedral of Rieti. In the very last years of the thirteenth and the first decades of the fourteenth centuries, in Rieti, three men made wills, specific and worrying and personal, which still reveal something of the quality of that part of each of their minds which can reasonably be called "soul.

Schism and a conventional Franciscan bishop put next to, or rather following at a distance, the Fourth Lateran and Francis of Assisi, this arc or line of almost two hundred years was in a number of ways, some of which were very important, a line of, to use a word generally disliked by medievalists, progress.

In in a precisely, but in a rather clumsily decoratedly formal, imperfect document, vertical, in an almost too careful curial hand, the Reatine citizen and scribe scriniario , Magister Matteo, wrote that in his presence Abassa Crescentii had given a letter sealed with the seal of the bishop of Narni to Bertuldo the son of the by then dead Corrado once duke of Spoleto. And Bertuldo had asked, "What is this letter? Bertuldo had not wanted to take the letter, and he had said to Abassa, "Go and stick the letter up the culo of an ass.

In contrast with this blunt command and the document in which it is preserved, one finds the epistolary elegance of formal and verbal content in letters to the church of Rieti from two neighboring territorial noble houses, the Mareri and the Brancaleone di Romagnia, who dominated the southeastern and the southern parts of the diocese in the mid-fourteenth century.

These letters, about clerical livings, were written by baronial chancellors of humane accomplishment. They are small and beautiful and sealed with small and beautiful seals; and in them graceful phrase succeeds to graceful phrase. Most elegantly perfect of all perhaps is a paper letter of but itself too elegant to bear a year date, only the indiction and the month and day , small 29 x 18 cm , horizontal, with a tiny 1.

The contrast between Uade et mitte go and stick and affectuose rogantes affectionately asking , which seems starkly to juxtapose a bear-like Germanic baron, old style, just stumbling out of his cave, and the Angevin elegance, almost perfumed, of a lord of Romagnia sitting in his airy view-filled palace on the pleasant heights of Belmonte, exaggerates.

The Urslingen Bertuldo and the Brancaleone Nicola were both in their ways trying to maintain and protect their rights in property, including ecclesiastical property, and to ensure, presumably, the continued inheritance and prestige of their clans. It should be remembered. The development that the first Riformanze indicate, which is a development of surface, but not only of surface, is one which occurs, or is parallel to one which occurs, not only in ecclesiastical structure—in the actual organization and in the recording of church government—but in religion itself, in the pattern and space of religious exhilaration.

This is most obviously connected with the kind of pastoral reform which was pressed forward by the Fourth Lateran Council and by the coming, the influence, and the changing nature of the orders of friars—in Rieti most particularly the Franciscans, but also the Dominicans and the Augustinian Hermits.

Inseparable from the friar's presence and pastoral reform was the changing interpretation of Christ's message, particularly through Matthew, and the changing understanding of Christ's self—even, again, in the way He looked, in image, out upon His people, and the way His earthly houses changed as they became in a new way His houses.

They, these houses, changed physically and noticeably, particularly at Rieti in the creation of the great open, internal spaces of the churches of San Francesco, San Domenico, and Sant'Agostino, which were placed at three points on the periphery of the growing city, in the area between the old walls and the new thirteenth-century walls, as those walls were being built.

This development is present in wills. From one finds a record of part of the execution of the will of Pietro Berardi Thomaxicti Bocchapeca, alias Pietro Jannis Cecis, of the city of Rieti, in which will, the document says, multa fecit legata , he made many legacies; and one was for the dowries of orphans, or the dowry of an orphan, or of a poor woman. Pietro's executors, among whom the presence of his wife, Colaxia, is emphasized, in order quickly and well to execute his will, searched vigorously through the city of Rieti, pluries et pluries , for poor orphans, and they found Stefania, daughter of the by then dead Gianni di Andrea Herigi; she was a poor, wretched, orphaned person, lacking a father, and a person of good reputation personam pauperem, miserabilem, orfanam, et patre carente et personam honestam.

The executors settled upon her for her dowry a piece of vineyard in the Contrada Coll'Arcangeli. Pietro's, and Colaxia's, is a kind of charity, of interpretation of Christ, much more specific and extended than that suggested by the first relatively long and fully stated will which survives from after the coming of Adenolfo to the bishopric and Innocent III to the papacy, the will of Fragulino, written and authenticated by Berardo Sprangone in This Fragulino, a man of considerable property, was certainly the same Fragulino who is recorded as having been a consul of the city in and , and so a man who connected the new governmental world of Berardo Sprangone with that which existed before Innocent III's reforms—a figure who shows continuity, a continuity extended by the.

Fragulino thought of his soul. He left the church of San Ruffo in Rieti 20 soldi for his soul. Without specifying purpose he left 20 soldi to the relatively aristocratic San Basilio of the Hospitallers, and one soldo to San Salvatore, presumably to the great Benedictine monastery south of Rieti and physically within the diocese.

For what ought to come to him from the will of his brother Pietro Zote he made the church of Santa Maria his heir for his brother's soul and his own. He left more actual and residual money to Santa Maria and its clergy, 40 soldi provisini for the clergy and 14 lire provisini for the rebuilding refectionem of the church. To the hospital capitis Arci he left 5 soldi. An uncertain but suggestive spiritual profile is drawn: family; attachment to the parish of San Ruffo, and perhaps to its neighborhood extending to San Basilio, with its tone of caste; a nod to a great old Benedictine monastery; and serious money for the cathedral church of Santa Maria particularly for building at what was probably a crucial point in the church's long building campaign.

To this is added the 5 soldi for the hospital. These 5 soldi are in the line of the interpretation of Christ which will send Colaxia again and again through the city of Rieti searching for a poor orphan girl. But in the Fragulino will the interpretation of Christ remains relatively mute. One must imply the Christ of corporal acts of mercy, the Christ of Cana, who directly or indirectly provoked the soldi's giving.

The development from Fragulino to Pietro and Colaxia, however, is not so simply one of opening and blossoming as it at first may seem. Pietro's charity, or at least Colaxia's and her colleagues', is caught in a specifically institutional container. Stefania's vineyard dowry is to be hers only if, within two years time, she enters a monastery of nuns within, or in the immediate neighborhood of, Rieti, and takes her vineyard dowry to that monastery, and if she then dwells in habit there like the other nuns.

Between the making of Fragulino's will and the execution of Pietro's, the great majority of religious thoughts, of those spasms of momentary piety, devotion and charity, which, within the diocese of Rieti, affected men's and women's minds and behavior, are of course untraceable. It might seem impossible with so much lost to try to sketch a line of development in this gauzy material; it is tempting to let it rest and to look only at the relatively solid lines of developing government and.

But these latter things are inextricably connected with personal piety, and they lose their meaning if they are detached from its more nebulous material. Besides, much does remain, and much that is poignant and moving as well as puzzling. This pious and testamentary development took place in and around the small urban capital, Rieti, of a big rustic diocese which stretched to different distances in all directions from the city.

In its specific Reatine form the development is inseparable from the place in which and the people among whom it took place. Even in thinking as narrowly as one could about Reatine religion one would have to think about, try to sense and see in some detail, what kind of physical place, or places, the city and diocese were, what kind of and how many people lived there, in what patterns of human settlement and tenure and in what kind of geography mountains, rivers, plants, animals , with what patterns of speech, image, and behavior, and to know something of what they produced besides prayers and churches, wills and heirs.

Moving from city to country, and to town or village, from the rules of a great barony to the many speaking voices of a rural inquest and to the amplified voice of a single reacting bishop perhaps will create, at least, a sounding board for the Reatine sermon. The city itself, for all the surrounding rusticity, was and is in the center of Italy and only about eighty kilometers, on the Via Salaria, north and slightly east of Rome.

At the westernmost end and highest part of the ridge stood the cathedral complex with its piazza; close by to the east and slightly to the north developed the building and the area of the palazzo comunale on the site of the Roman forum see map 3. It was extended into the flat land to the north and down the hill to the Velino in the south plate 11 so that at points it measured a kilometer, or slightly more, from north to south; and it was joined across the Velino, where the river was met by the Via Roma coming down the hill, by a borgo , a suburb, in the neighborhood of the.

About the actual population of Rieti, before and after the Black Death, it is only possible to guess. By the end of the sixteenth century, when it is possible to do more than guess, Rieti had a population of around six thousand people.

Rieti, once a Sabine center, had, under the Romans, become a Roman city; it was the home of the Flavians and appropriately of the agricultural expert Varro. Under the Lombards it had become part of the duchy of Spoleto. It had been the name-giving center of a gastaldate and then a county, which it remained into the twelfth century. Rieti was the victim of memorable and remembered destruction by Roger of Sicily in Its recovery and rebuilding were accompanied by the growth of communal government under the local direction of consuls.

By the end of the century it had come under papal control. Rieti's continued existence as a governmental center, if this is not too grand a term, was reinforced by its position as an episcopal see. Its traditions connected it with the blood of martyrs, and a fleeting reference to its church is found in the letters of Gregory the Great. Its episcopal position, and memories, were strengthened by the long and seemingly relatively effective episcopate of the twelfth-century bishop Dodone, at least from to Still Rieti remained essentially a secondary market and trading center at the heart of an agricultural and pastoral area dedicated particularly to the production of wine and grains, as well as garden and animal products and fish.

It also became an intermittent papal residence. The city thus entered the thirteenth century, a period of almost universal demographic growth, the period of the growth of its own walled space, with two shaping advantages. Its communal government was able to survive and develop through two periods of violent disorder in central Italy: the wars between the papacy and the emperor in the second quarter of the thirteenth century and the period of seeming chaos and continuous partisan disruption, warring of private armies, and Neapolitan royal infiltration, from the time of the papal retreat from Italy in particularly until the coming of the legate Cardinal Albornoz in and the Reatine agreement with him in It could be argued that the efforts of the early Angevin kings of Naples, in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, to strengthen their Abruzzese borderlands with new income- and defense-regulating, relatively urban, planned and gridded communities, like Cittaducale plate 14 and Leonessa, not only threatened Rieti but helped it, by placing it within a better ordered general neighborhood, and so in some ways echoed the helpful papal organization of territory and border under Innocent III.

Certainly in the absence of the papacy, in spite of the presence of papal governors, Rieti was drawn much more heavily into the ambit of the kings of Naples; and it might have been helpful to Rieti if they in fact had been stronger kings. But Rieti, with its own constitution developed and intact, and visible within its first statutes and its earliest existing Riformanze, survived; and, in the end, it itself, its urban center, survived outside the borders of the kingdom of Naples.

Innocent III himself came to Rieti. There in , we are told, he consecrated the church of San Giovanni Evangelista in Statua. Rome: after Viterbo, Anagni, Orvieto, and Perugia. They came with hundreds of followers some of whom preceded them to make arrangements , of whom five hundred or six hundred were direct dependents of the papal curia.

They drastically altered the cities' demands on housing and public services and provisioning. They pushed rents up to as much as four times their normal figure. Some of them demanded hospitality and in what seemed unreasonably spacious quarters. But on the whole they and the real or presumed economic benefits of their presence seem to have been much desired, courted, built for; their potential and actual presence seems generally to have improved the facilities and increased the monumentality of the host city, to which they themselves came for various reasons: to strengthen papal presence in the area, to avoid the danger posed by Roman or Rome-threatening enemies, to escape the pain and illness of a Roman summer in a place as seemingly fresh and cool as Rieti—Cardinal Jacopo Stefaneschi's sweet Rieti amena Reate , beneath its mountains and above its waters.

So may have been, for example, the important fountain in the Piazza del Leone. The papal curia brought the world and the world's events to Rieti. In Nicholas's second year there, Charles II, the new king of Naples, recently freed from the imprisonment in which he had been held hostage, came, with a great following, to Rieti, and on Pentecost, in the cathedral, was crowned king.

In memory of this event Charles promised the church of Rieti an annual gift of 20 uncie of gold from the royal treasury, and so an additional financial benefit came to the city, or at least to its church, from the presence of. In the papal-royal summer of Rieti was further swollen by the presence there of the thirteenth chapter general of the Franciscan friars minor, men from all over.

The chapter general calls attention to the provenance of the friars resident in the local houses of Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinian Hermits. In the early fourteenth century, after the second of the two periods of papal sojourns, and after many Reatines had themselves become members or followers of the papal curia, Rieti, with its Roman Papazurri bishop, was certainly not a place sealed against the outside world.

Witnesses and actors who appear, for example, in the parchment cartulary of Matteo Barnabei, for the five-year period —, suggest a generous presence of resident strangers. Not all Reatines were Christians. There were Jews in Rieti in , and the nature of their appearance makes it clear that they had been there for some time, if not in great number. Manuelis was present to come to an agreement, to end discord and litigation, with the brothers Musictus and Gagius, sons. The two brothers received, in addition to anything they had received from the association in the past, florins of gold, accepting an Aquilian stipulation the conversion into a single stipulation of a variety of obligations ; and in return they gave up any share in current actions or debts being pursued against or from the city of Rieti or any person within it.

They promised not to stay in future in the city or county of Rieti more than two days a month and not to have there a shop or mercantiam without the express license of Manuelis and his associates. Juxta, the wife of Gagius, consented to this transaction and waived all privileges and remedies at law protecting wives, including privileges guaranteed by the city of Rieti. This document establishes the existence of a self-controlled, in some ways at least, corporation of money-lending Jews in Rieti in , which seems to have operated within perfectly recognizable community procedures, and which was able to act with a witness from one of Rieti's most prominent patrician families in the house of a member of another of those families.

The document suggests that these men with their families were the only Jews in Rieti, that there was only one such consortium; and that suggestion would seem to be supported by a legacy in the will of Don Berardo de Colle from the same year Item dixit se debere dare Judeis qui habitant Reate. The community of Rieti, the city, divided into its three double porte , its six sestieri , in which Jews, foreigners, painters, doctors, notaries ,patricians, women from Labro and Greccio, friars, and priests lived, was, by the end of the Middle Ages, or was meant to be, regulated by a composite body of communal statutes.

Some of its contents come from the time of Bishop Biagio da Leonessa — : a compact between bishop and commune arrived at in September clearly does. The statutes present a city preoccupied with the problems common to late medieval communes, from the organization of government and the restrictions on governmental office to public hygiene: the faith and.

The use of injurious words is forbidden; and there is an attempt to keep housewives from being raped in mills. The statutes regulate the public behavior of mourners and the course of the palium to be run on the feast of Saint Mary in August the Assumption, 15 August. Rieti, and the monastery of San Fabiano, of the order of Saint Clare, or, as the statutes also say, the second order of Saint Francis—all to be borne in affection by the Reatines. It should be clear and unsurprising that at Rieti there was in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, through , a continuous convergence of secular-civil and ecclesiastical institutions; the city in its various aspects came from or produced the same mold.

But secular Rieti was not a tightly controlled unitary thing; it was various, rather loosely organized, and, in its way, popular. One would not expect, and one could not find, in the Rieti of the period before , the kind of structured secular-ecclesiastical coherence, with secular domination, that has recently been shown to have existed, for example, in the Verona ruled by the Scaligeri between and At the figurative center of the Rieti complex the palazzo comunale and the palazzo episcopale sat in very close physical proximity, the extended governmental center, insofar as it was local, and concentrated, of the whole place.

But it could reasonably be argued that the real center of the community was not in palazzo but in chiesa , the high altar of the cathedral church and that church's sacristy where its treasure was stored. Of that treasure, of the goods which were found in the sacristy of Rieti on 15 January , the chamberlain canon Ballovino di magistro Giovanni and his two sacristans, dompno Nutio di Pandulfictio and dompno Francesco di Pietro, have left us a list beginning with four chalices all of silver, all gilded, and three also enameled, all with patens.

There is a list of ninety-eight books, with some suggestion of their order. There are missals, antiphonals, an evangelary, an epistolary, a hymnal, responsories, legendaries, passional, breviaries, office books of various sorts, psalters, Bibles, books of the Bible from both testaments, Paul, books of prayer, scholarly books some and books of devotion, books of medicine a number, including one specified as Constantine on fevers translated from the Arabic , books of laws or canons not many or modern , Isidore, histories including one specified as a history of the Franks and the Lombards , lives of the saints, classics Cicero on rhetoric, fifty homilies of Augustine, Josephus, Gregory on Job or a book commenting on Gregory's Moralia.

There is a "de mirabilis mundi," a treatise on the eight deadly sins, a "vite patrum" desert fathers lying in wait to snare a soul , a "librum tabulatum de vita beati Thome" unidentified, but probably Becket of Canterbury. There is in closing a librarian's or a bibliographer's plaint "Item sex quaterni dissoluti de diuersibus rebus. Item librum miraculorum Sancte Marie nouum quem fecit fieri dominus Johannes de Ponticillis, canonicus Reatinus.

Item librum de legendis sanctorum per totum annum quem fecit fieri dominus Raynallus de Plagis, canonicus Reatinus. Item librum de sermonibus dominicalibus quem fecit fieri dominus Bartholomeus Bontempi canonicus Reatinus. Item aliud psalterium tabulatum quem fecit fieri seu dimisit dominus Bartholomeus Alfani. We are shown a rather old-fashioned country library of reasonable size, unprofessional, except for the profession of praying and perhaps home medicine.

These books and these chalices, the episcopal ring and the life of Thomas were at the center of the community, and the diocese, and occupied the mind of the canon chamberlain Ballovino in The property which the church and chapter held and which, in part, sup-. An inquest of holdings, in one example, from and the years just after that, was copied in the early fourteenth century, presumably in , onto surviving paper gatherings of eight folios each.

The inquest is divided into three parts, one for each of the double porte , the paired sestieri , of the city: Porta Carceraria, Porta Romana, and Porta Cintia—of which the first once contained 87 entries, the second 42, and the last the Cintia The entries of the first gathering of the paper copy move through property over which the church claimed rights across the city to the east in, again, the Porta Carceraria, particularly in the parishes of San Giovenale and San Giorgio; of the 69 items in the first gathering 10 refer to properties in the parish of San Giovenale and 16 to properties in San Giorgio.

And one is told of the tiniosus flaianus a memory , of a tower "Bertesce," of the river, the city wall at the edge of a property in San Giovenale , the Arce. But although the initial part of the inquest certainly seems to be an inquest of the area of the Carceraria, it is of the area in this sense: it asks responses of people denizened there who hold property of Santa Maria, or over whose property Santa Maria has or claims rights. So in some ways the inquest is very much about people, about property holders; they are listed on its left margins.

On specific days before specific witnesses they speak, and sometimes still in the first person. Oderiscio Raynerii, speaking of land he had bought from Senebaldo Gerardo says "ipse mihi dixit quod unus pasus est Ecclesie quando mihi vendidit he told me one piece was the church's when he sold it to me "; and Andrea Rustici says "et viam per quam vado ad vineam est ecclesie the road or path on which I go to the vineyard is the church's " and for it he gives the church each year one sarcinam of wine.

The majority of the tenants held property in the country as well as, one assumes, in the city. Much of the property was held jointly: over forty joint tenancies are recorded in these eight folios, mostly by members of extended families with specifically stated relationships "with my brother and my nephew". A man answers for his wife, two widows for their sons. One tenant has the locally important name or patronymic Carsidonei. Although they are in various places, the lands attached to Santa Maria surround each other in those places: the vineyard of Teodino Tasconis in Conca Maiu is surrounded ab omnibus lateribus by land held of Sancta Maria ; the land of Rubeus Stracti at portum cecorum in the parish of San Giorgio is bordered on one side by a public street and a tribus lateribus Sancta Maria ; the lot of Nicola Terradanus in the parish of San Giorgio in the portu Pellipariorum?

Whose is the land, Andrea's or Santa Maria's? Although there is some talk, very rare, of how land is held emphiteotectico jure , there is no talk of specific returns, or very, very little, such as the sarcina of wine.

The chapter's inquest, like the city statutes' securing of the adherence of the towns in the valley of the Canera and their talk of San Salvatore, San Pastore, and the Franciscan hermitages, takes one outside the city walls to the near country, not in these cases generally to identical places, but to places with the same sorts of closeness to the city, forming the same kinds of neighborhood in the nearest reaches of the big diocese of Rieti.

At its most distant from its episcopal city the diocese stretched away to the northeast past Campotosto if one measures simply by drawing a straight line for more than forty-seven kilometers, and to the southeastern past Corvaro and Cartore for more than fifty-two; although its boundary to the east past Contigliano was hardly more than ten kilometers from Rieti.

The physical size of the diocese changed drastically in the mid-thirteenth century, when in and Pope Alexander IV constituted the new diocese of L'Aquila and removed or began to remove from Rieti much of the large territory of Amiterno to the east of Rieti and to the west of the new city of L'Aquila, and reduced the surface of the diocese from an area of about thirty-five hundred square kilometers to one of about three thousand.

As in the case of the city of Rieti, it is impossible to know the actual population of the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century diocese. When population is relatively knowable, because of visitation records, at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century, it has been estimated by the historian Vincenzo Di Flavio to have been between 30, and 35, between five and six times the size of the population of the city of Rieti and to have been scattered in about settlements "villaggi, castelli, o terre" , with a median population of between and , with only a few, like Antrodoco or Campotosto, actually reaching a figure of 1, or more.

The political, in the grand sense, situation of the diocese, before, during, and after the period of this study, was extraordinary. As Di Flavio says of his time, and it seems generally to have been true, with minor variations as during the period of Angevin encroachment in the fourteenth century , from the end of the twelfth century until Unification, roughly two-thirds of the diocese was within the kingdom of Naples and one-third was within the states of the Church.

The physical geography of the diocese was not totally incoherent and became somewhat more coherent after the removal to L'Aquila of Amiterno. At the diocese's administrative and population center was the relatively vast alluvial plain, the conca di Rieti plate 17 , once the site of a large lake fed by the river Velino. The conca is, in fact, similar to other large fertile plains or basins inserted in the Abruzzese mountainous areas of central Italy: L'Aquila, Sulmona, Fucino, Leonessa.

Around Rieti's alluvial center, and its high terraces of sandy clay, rise sharply the limestone highlands and mountains, the Monti Sabini, the Monti Reatini rising at their greatest height, at Terminillo, to 2, meters , and the northwestern rim of the Monti Carseolani.

South of Rieti, itself raised above the southeastern edge of the alluvial flatlands, the valleys of the rivers Turano and. Salto make approximately parallel cuts into the southern terraces as one follows the rivers upstream , and the Velino valley goes off to the east. This area—alluvial flatlands, surrounded by high terraces cut by river valleys, and they in turn surrounded by mountains or high limestone hills —forms the rational geographical center of the diocese.

To this part of the diocese was joined the upper valley of the Velino, from its sharp turn north at Antrodoco as one follows it upstream to its source beyond Cittareale, and the parallel valley of that part of the Aterna which remained in the diocese, after the departure of Amiterno, from south of Marana to the river's source beyond Aringo.

This northeastern part of the diocese, the two valleys, with the area between them with centers as important as Borbona and areas farther cast including Capitignano and Campotosto, was clearly that part of the diocese least closely tied to its center, a point made particularly clear by the existence for it of a separate vicar general at Montereale in the mid-fourteenth century.

It was an area of mixed agrarian value, mixed topography, but it included areas of at least great agricultural potential. Pierre Toubert, in a lyric moment, has talked of the Sabina's, including the Reatine Sabina's, smiling heights and beautiful landscape where orchards and vineyards and fields of grain are mixed together: "ridenti paesi d'altura ed il suo bel paesaggio, dove l'arboricultura si unisce alla coltura della vite e dei cereali.

Place names make that vegetable past visible. Greccio is heather. Sambuco is elder. Ginestra is broom. Dogwood, red cane, fennel, laurel, hawthorn, oaks quercus and robur , fern, willows are as alive in the names on the land as olives and chestnuts are in the documents.

Where men were in the diocese. The diocese was also not only a land of castri or walled settlements on hills, but of castles, with barons in them. The city of Rieti itself may be seen as having been more disturbed by the rivalries, or impertinences, of neigh boring towns, particularly those within the Regno, but the local barons who, or many among them, would eventually be replaced by the great barons of Rome were of vital importance to the area of the diocese, to its rule and organization, and to the structure and peopling of its church.

Although it is not easy to examine them individually, these barons give no sign of having been identical with one another, cut from the same pattern. The lords of Labro in the mountains just to the north of the conca, with their castle or castles in the papal states, do not seem in all ways like the lords of Mareri to the south, with some of their block of territory in the papal states, but essentially men of the Regno.

The lords of Labro, who fought against the lords of Luco, and who seem to have been closely connected with the lords of neighboring Morro, were very important to Santa Maria Rieti as neighbors but also as participants in its most important functions, as canons, as bishop. And of course it is not always possible to say when a man is identified as "de Labro" whether he was a lord of Labro or simply someone who came from the castro ; the presence or absence of dominus is not always decisive, and the use of grander titles for local barons is sparing in the records of the Reatine.

They were not without good connections. They commanded an imposing castle- castro still very striking on its height. Quite the opposite was true of the Mareri in the southern part of the diocese. By the time of the compilation of their late fourteenth-century "statutes," if the "statutes" are and there is no reason to believe that they are not a statement of conditions which then pretty much existed, the Mareri ruled a state which extended itself for considerable distance on both sides of the river Salto and, at one point at least, west across the intervening hills and high terraces hospitable at least at times to transhumants to the east bank of the river Turano, although this statement in a way distorts the "statutes'" own system of mapping, castro by castro.

But, in any case, the Mareri were locally very gran' signori. The surviving "statutes" list, in varying detail, the Mareri lords' rights, and the obligations of the denizens of each castro, for Petrella Salto, Castel di Tora Castelvecchio , Rigatti, Marcetelli, Mareri, "Vallebona"?

Mareri control was very broadly imagined and realized. It was deep and heavy. The Mareri seem to have regulated almost every area of castro life: mills, justice, the bearing of arms, the selling of wine, the selling of meat, of dairy products and fish, of cloth, of oil and honey. They demanded hospitality for their messengers and familiars. The lord had rights over the piazza and fixed tolls for whoever crossed it, depending upon what he or she took across it: a horse or a mule, a cow or an ass, a goat or a sheep, wine, grain, cloth, wax, honey, leather, "spices," whatever the mind of the Cicolano could think of someone's profitably carrying.

The lord had fortifications and houses. He had the watercourses; he had mountains and pastures. He fixed the time of the vintage. The lord had rights of hunting; and when he went to hunt the hare in any wood in his barony the men of that castro who had snares or hounds were bound to go with him, and when he went for the wild boar, men were to come with arms and dogs. The men of the place could not trap without license; what, licensed, they took, lost its head and a fourth part to the lord.

Of partridges and other birds, hedgehogs, and hares,. No real property could be alienated without license, and an entry fee was to be fixed for anyone coming into property. Weights and measures were regulated. Rents, dues, and services were fixed in several castri with men, women, and heirs listed next to that which they must pay including lots of chickens and eggs.

The Mareri laid a heavy hand on the men they controlled. They seem absolute lords. But of course the very recording suggests a limit to their absolutism, to their depredation. And the significance of this written limitation, of writing things down, is suggested by the recorded presence of notaries in the area, and by the very real prominence of one notary, who appears, and whose wealth and importance appear, repeatedly: Giovanni de Lutta.

Still the lords' control is great and clearly expressed. Of his half of Castel di Tora, the lord Lippo Mareri claims for himself and his heirs quite complete banal jurisdiction over present and future inhabitants "merum et mistum imperium cum gladii potestate et potest regere ibi curiam per se et vicarium eius et exercere iudicium ordinarium in civilibus et criminalibus et homines dicte medietatis corregere et punire ad eius voluntatem et arbitrium"; and also it is claimed, "Et homines ipsius castri [should acknowledge] nullum alium dominum et superiorem nisi solum Deum et dominos de Marerio"—only God and the lords of Mareri.

He has the church of Sant'Angelo, which is inside the castro. He has the church of San Nicola, which is outside the castro. Of these churches the Lord Lippo is lord and patron. For larger Petrella, there is, as one would expect, more to say; including the restriction that no one could found or endow churches or. But in fact in Petrella there are two patrons who are not Mareri: of San Silvestro, the heirs of dompno Giovanni Protempze; and of the chapel of San Nicola in the church of Santa Maria di Petrella, the notary Giovanni de Lutta and his heirs—they are patrons of this chapel, founded and endowed by them, by the license of Lord Lippo and the bishop of Rieti.

But the lord has the patronage of Santa Maria itself, whose parishioners all the men of Petrella are, and other existing churches and chapels, and the statute continues: "Et omnium ecclesiarum et capellarum que in postero hedificabuntur ipse dominus debet esse verus patronus et dominus et representare in eis clericos et rectores he is the patron of all churches yet unbuilt; the church of Petrella shall always be his. As the statement about Santa Maria di Petrella shows, the Mareri fief with its additions is divided into parishes full of parishioners.

A large number of the people in the castri, moreover, present themselves, with their names, to be counted; some of these places offer more information for estimating population than anyplace else in the fourteenth-century diocese. For "Villa de Illicis" a frazione of Marcetelli are listed twenty-one homines dicti castri , men and women, including the last named "mastro Angelutius," held, presumably as heads of households, to services; Marcetello itself, with perhaps less pretense to complete inclusiveness has fifty.

Rigatti lists sixty-one names, presumably representing households a number of them listed as heredes , besides fourteen forenses , people from Marcetelli, Vallececa, Varco, and Poggio? Vittiano including a notary from there. And it is perhaps not too much to say that a strong and penetrating government always produces a group of governed with the potential of reacting in group to that government. The formidable Mareri, in the early thirteenth century, gave the church of Rieti a very visible, at least at one point, canon, and they gave the diocese its most effectively remembered "saint.

From near its beginning, and from farther up the course of the Salto, and actually. They come from, or are about, the church of San Leopardo near Borgocollefegato. It, like the Mareri places, is in the Cicolano, the most distinctive region of the diocese, most internally connected and self-conscious, which stretches itself along the valley of the Salto southeast in the direction of the Montagne della Duchessa and Monte Velino.

Some time around the year , when Transarico was abbot of Ferentillo, and his nephew Transarico was already a monk there, as was Jericho, and when Adenolfo de Lavareta seems surely still to have been bishop of Rieti, but equally certainly no longer an unconsecrated "elect," the Benedictine abbey of San Pietro di Ferentillo, locally within the diocese of Spoleto, and the bishop and church of Rieti were involved in a dispute about jurisdiction over San Leopardo and its clerks.

It was not very unlike the closely contemporary dispute between the monastery of San Quirico in Rieti diocese and the bishop of Penne, over churches and clerks in the diocese of Penne. In cases like these, distant and recent history combined to make unclear and debatable the jurisdictional boundary between the rights of two claimants, both of whom had some reason to believe that jurisdiction was or should be theirs.

At the moment of the actual disputes, frequently, some local disposition—like a temporary period of relative peace and order—or something more general—like the expansion of the accepted notion of episcopal jurisdiction of the sort encouraged by Innocent III, or even an extended sense of parish reality—pushed the parties into the need to define, to establish control, and so to litigate.

In the San Leopardo dispute, the witnesses interrogated men who had traveled with or observed bishops of Rieti and men local to the place in dispute, at least those witness from whom testimony is preserved were asked questions about things that they had seen or heard or in some way knew. And in answering these questions they, in various ways, described part of the diocese of Rieti in the early thirteenth century, and also in fact quite deep back into the twelfth century.

They produced this depth because some of their memories, and among them some extended by the memories of others, were very long, or at least they thought or said that they were very long. Another witness, the farmer named Rollando, said that he had often heard, from the old men of the paese , to whom the church belonged pertinebat , and it was to San Pietro Ferentillo. Another farmer agricola , Andrea, said that he saw the messenger of Gentile de Amiterno, who was called Giovanni Castelli, come to the church, close the gates ianuas , extract the keys, and give them to a monk called Transerico; he gave them to Bartolomeo the prelato of the church.

And how did he know he was a monk of Ferentillo? Because everyone said so, and besides he had seen him coming to the church with the abbot. Giovanni Bonihominis, another farmer, had seen Bishop Benedetto of Rieti dining on the vigil of Saint Leopardo's feast in the church, but he had not been at the church the next morning although he had heard the bells.

Another farmer, Giovanni Franconi, had seen monks coming from Ferentillo and being received as if they were in their own home, sicut in domo propria , when San Leopardo was presided over by Pietro his uncle, his mother's brother. When the land of Teodino de Amiterno was under interdict, the interdict was observed by the church of San Leopardo until a monk from Ferentillo whose name he did not know, but it was said that he was from Ferentillo came and celebrated service publicly with bells ringing, but the clerks of San Leopardo themselves did not take part in the services.

He had seen Bishop Dodone received at the church with bells ringing when he visited the parish. And he said too that the holy oils came from Santo Stefano, and that before the dispute arose the clerks of San Leopardo had been ordained by the bishops of Rieti. Another farmer, Giovanni Alkerii, who was of the villa of the church of San Leopardo, agreed about the oil and said that the children of local farmers pueri rusticorum were baptized at Santo Stefano, and that he had three times seen a bishop of Rieti whose name he did not know given hospitality in the church and he knew he was bishop of Rieti because everybody said so: dicebatur ab omnibus , but he had not seen a bishop for the last five years.

Oderisio Bonihominis, whose occupation is not specifically identified, saw the abbot of Ferentillo "who now is" and who is called Transerico come to the church and be received with bells and procession and be as if he were in his own home; and he had seen three monks.

Nicola Jordani said that when the bishop came and was received he was given cena but not pranzo or pranzo but not cena —he was not given both and another witness spoke of a visitor's not eating cena because he was fasting. Nicola said that he saw the abbot of Ferentillo coming to the church but that he did not know whether he was received in procession or not because he was sometimes in the fields and sometimes in his own house, which was next to or very near to [ vicina ] the church—but he heard the bells.

And he said further that he had seen Pietro di Giovanni Gisonis presumably the farmer Giovanni Franconi's uncle having an argument with the old Lord Gentile de Amiterno during which argument Pietro had said that he did not hold the church from Gentile but from the abbot of Ferentillo. He said that everyone said that the abbot was as at home at San Leopardo and that it had been given to the abbey by the ancient emperors ab antiquis imperatoribus.

Pietro Pelliparius or Pietro the tanner , who said he came from the castro near the church et oriundus erat de castro vicino ipsius ecclesie , had seen forty years earlier a clerk called donnus Annisio whom they had said was an oblate of Ferentillo but he did not wear a monastic habit; and he said that when Pietro had held San Leopardo he had held two other churches from the abbot of Ferentillo in the diocese of Marsi in episcopatu Marsican'.

The farmer Benedetto said that Teodino had received letters from the lord pope which returned the church to Ferentillo; he saw them, but he did not read them or hear them read, but it was said that they were the pope's letters.

The farmer Simeone saw the letters, and the farmer Rainaldo Oderisii heard them read. The farmer Gualterio Petri said that he used to hear his father saying that the church belonged to Ferentillo, and Giovanni Petri said that his father perhaps the same Pietro father spoke badly of or cursed the clerks of Ferentillo because of their acceptance of the bishop because he said the church belonged to the monks of Ferentillo.

These provoked memories of the farmer Rollando and his associates build an inconsistent but coherent oral church remembered days in the field, by the wall, bells ringing, old emperors for the southeastern corner of the diocese in the early thirteenth century. They are joined by more professional memories and socially more elevated ones.

Most professional and professionally interested is the archpriest of Corvaro who. He says that a certain abbot of Ferentillo came to the church in question and sent to the witness and demanded that the witness receive him and give him procurations.

He refused and said that he was a vassalum ecclesie Reatine. The abbot, whose name he did not know, then sent to the ballivo of the place, whose name was Rayn' de Latusco, who ordered the witness to receive the abbot "without prejudice" and give him hospitality and the necessary food for not more than one day. Letters were got from Rome which allowed Teodino to give or restore the church to the abbot of Ferentillo, who then moved in and relaxed the interdict.

The archpriest's partisan memory recalls a church under the normal control of the bishops of Rieti from the time of bishop Benedetto, through the time of this present bishop, Adenolfo, when he was elect. The archpriest evokes with particular clarity the time when Adenolfo was still elect because during that time since Adenolfo was not a bishop he could not perform episcopal functions and so ordinands had to be sent to other bishops.

The archpriest's institutionally ordered mind gives a kind of sense to his testimony different from that of the farmer witnesses, but it does not, quite noticeably, give him a better memory for names, nor does it provoke him to a greater use of sensory detail. The archpriest's memory is countered by that of Giovanni de Fonte, clerk of San Paolo di Spedino, who, since he had been a clerk of San Leopardo, had seen Dodone, Benedetto, and Adenolfo all come to San Leopardo, but he recalls the exact nature of the reception only vaguely.

The episcopus respondit dure super interdicto , and the witness knew that the dominum terre [was] turbatum contra episcopum : Giovanni provokes to emotion Adenolfo the bishop and Teodino the lord of the place , scions of neighboring baronial houses. The knight Lord Gomino remembered another interdict sixty years before when the land of Gentile de Amiterno was put under interdict because Gentile had put aside the daughter of the count of Albe.

The church of San Leopardo, he recalled, had not observed the interdict because—as the prelate of that church, dompno Pietro, whose father had founded the church, often said—the church itself pertained to the church of Ferentillo. The abbot of Sant'Eleuterio testified, and the episcopal cook who, professionally, remembered that the bishop was served both night and day.

The clerk Berardo, a familiar of Bishop Benedetto, saw that bishop visit as he visited other parishes, and one year when he did not go he sent two canons of Rieti, Adinulfo d'Ascenso and Pietro Cifredi. And the witness himself had gone too. A knight named Berardo said that when he was young cum esset iuvenis he had gone with Bishop Dodone through the bishopric episcopatum because he was the bishop's blood relative quia consanguineus eius erat and that they had visited San Leopardo as they had the other parishes and that members of the familia had been given denari a crucial point —and he himself had received six or eight denari.

And Barbazano went with Dodone when he consecrated San Leopardo, because he often went with Dodone, but he can't remember who else was there. Jacopo or Giacomo Sarraceno, having been asked the whole list of questions posed in order, said that he himself knew nothing. Oderisio's long, trailing memory puts a kind of collecting net over all these voices talking, reanimating the local spaces and relationships of the distant southeastern diocese and its visitors in about the year They bring to light the power, but in the matters dealt with, rather indecisive power, of a potent long-remembered baronial family, the succeeding lords of Amiterno.

These acknowledged patrons must, or do, use the pope, they seem to be used by an abbot of Ferentillo; and one of them is recalled to have argued with the local "prelate," a farmer's uncle. A series of bishops and bishops-elect are remembered moving through their episcopatu , actually visiting the parishes of their diocese, even though perhaps visiting mostly in search of procurations; particularly clear is the memory of Bishop Dodone moving with that overlapping mixture of familia and family.

Remembered lunches and dinners are eaten or not eaten; and bells persistently ring. And that crucial segment of diocese, the pieve , the archpresbytery, is, in terms of Santo Stefano, Corvaro, defined in terms of holy oils, baptism of children, and accepted delegation of episcopal function. Papal letters are looked at and touched. Farmers are in fields and beside walls. Knights ride with bishops. Cathedral canons act for bishops. Mass is sung. To browse Academia. Log in with Facebook Log in with Google.

Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. PDF Pack. A post-hole is usually a hole in the ground, the post exists no longer, having usually disintegrated, and it is only by association with the present that the archaeologist can say with confidence that a set of holes in the ground represent the traces —for example- of a Bronze Age hut.

Since archaeology began it resorted to the observation of primitive societies to interpret remains or early cultures, and that branch of archaeology became known as ethno- archaeology. Ethnoarchaeology has been practiced since the times when British archaeologist Flinders Petrie was digging in Egypt , but it was only named as a sub-discipline during the s.

Kramer Today ethnoarchaeology is yet again being re-interpreted, and one finds both archaeology and anthropology students do PhD theses in ethnoarchaeology throughout northern Europe, Ethnoarchaeology is therefore no longer the use of ethnographic analogy to interpret and explain archaeological observations. If the ethnographic present throws light on the archaeological past, it is also true that the archaeological past will be found to have a great relevance in explaining the ethnographic present.

Ethnographers become more aware of the need to be assisted by history and archaeology in finding explanations of the present. More and more ethnographers turn to archaeology to understand the past in areas where written records are lacking. Ethnoarchaeology is the study of archaeology by an ethnographer, whose aim is to understand both the ethnographic present and the archaeological past.

Ethnoarchaeology is therefore aligned with ethnohistory, both in definition and in practice. Whatever the long-term future of ethnoarchaeology, it is clear that it should be linked ever more closely to social anthropology and to history and archaeology. Although one may agree with these statements, and with many others, the matter is simple and straightforward enough. Any argument about the validity or invalidity of ethnoarchaeolgy is futile and largely a waste of time, since without reference to the present, little or nothing will be understood of any remains dug by the archaeologist.

As to the ways of looking at the present in order to interpret remains from the past, it is another matter. It must be said, however, that rather than speaking of methods we should speak of personal experience and ability to apply common sense. There is no scientific method for reconstruct the past, as there is no method for predicting the future—some have believed there was, but they have today become laughing stock. I conclusion, the young Spanish shepherd who gives a PhD thesis on the Shepherds of Andalusia at the Faculty of Archaeology of Sheffield University, has studied the ethnographic present with the eye of the archaeologist both to understand it, and to throw light on the archaeological past.

Man does not master his environment. We are as much at the mercy of natural forces today as we were thousands of years ago. The environment is a crucial factor in determining both our behaviour and our destiny. Early man did not resist or fight environmental constraints he coped with, and adapted to them.

Early man always knew where on earth he was. The first feature that might strike you is the vast dry zone that stretches from the Atlantic coast of North Africa to Central Asia. Another patch of such dryness is also noticeable in Australia. The second remarkable feature visible on the surface of the earth is the forest cover, shown in dense green. Going into more details we will also notice the lighter green and brown areas of the semi-arid regions, distributed here and there in all continents.

Only a few basic notions of human geography will help to see how much our culture is conditioned by the climate. This illustration might however result unconvincing without going into more detail. Seasonal change is also an important conditioning factor. Some region of the earth are characterized by extremes of climate, and this is important to bear in mind because a region that offers good conditions in winter may not be fif for human inhabitation in summer and vice-versa.

Satellite pictures showing world temperatures in August and in February highlight again the extreme heat of the dry zone stretching from the Sahara to Central Asia. In August in the Northern Hemisphere only Greenland shows extreme cold temperatures whereas Siberia appears temperate or warm.

South America appears cold and so seems the southern tip of Australia. In February the Desert areas become temperate whereas the whole of Northern Eurasia and North America are in the cold. Similar pictures showing world vegetation would help to reinforce this scenario. In February it appears that only Atlantic and Mediterranean Europe offer favourable climate. In Asia only India and the Southeast show any greenery. In August the whole of the Northern Hemisphere, with the exception of true desert area is green.

Early man roamed the Savannah and was a wanderer. Some of our ancestors took to long range wandering around 2. Only about The first humans reached Australia and the Americas at times when the water level of the oceans was lower than at present, and land bridges were available between the land masses. Taking a closer look at the possible routes of the Human Race we can assess with some degree of probability which these might be.

The Nile for example would have been an easy way for reaching North Africa. Changes in geography and climate, would not have been so great as to substantially alter the basic network of possible avenues. However, land bridges may have offered a short cut to Asia across the straits of the Red Sea and of the Persian Gulf. Other short cuts might have been offered by the existence of narrower strait dividing Morocco from Spain and Tunisia from Sicily.

But great land barriers were there and were avoided for sure. The Caucasus, the Alps, and even other minor ranges were undoubtedly avoided. The Alps and the Caucasus for example have always constituted great barriers. Although I must state here that in later prehistory specialized mountain cultures are found distributed on either side of, for example the Alps, mountains have generally terrified man, much more than the sea or the desert.

Early pictorial representations of the Alps, down to the 18th and early 19th centuries, convey the view men took of the great barrier in comparatively recent times. Most alpine peaks have been conquered in the early 20th century. One hundred thousand years ago, during the peak of the last great Ice Age The Wurm Glaciation , it was easier to cross from a continent to another thanks to the lower sea level and to the land bridges that existed.

The choice for travel in the Northern Hemisphere was however restricted to a number of corridors between immense glacial areas, such as the Alpine and the Scandinavia Ice Caps, and huge lakes such as the Caspian Sea. But let us now look at another factor for human expansion and settlement. If we now look at the world distribution of corn cultivation, we shall notice an European area stretching well into Asia and another branching from Asia Minor to India.

This distribution matches two cultural aspects. The northern one coincides with the area occupied since the Neolithic by European Farmers, the southern shows the distribution of Neolithic Middle Eastern Farming.

Both together also cover the past and present distribution of Indo-European speakers. This point in particular must be borne in mind for later considerations. This natural distribution is so fitting with that of the early Greek settlement as to require no further comment. Let us now observe the natural route of locust migration from a region of West Africa across to Sudan and Ethiopia and down to Southern Africa.

This is another example of the effects of environmental constraints upon human culture. It would be wrong to suppose that the environment only affects mankind its early stages cultural development. If we look for example at the border of the Atlantic vegetation zone in France, we shall not fail to notice that this almost perfectly matches the first political border of France itself in the 9th century. Clearly the Greeks, the Bantus or the French of the Dark Ages possessed a culture somehow geared to the existence of certain plants, animals, soils or climates.

We have also discovered something more far reaching, and this is that early mankind, consciously or subconsciously, at an individual or at a collective level, has shown great knowledge of the natural environment. Indeed this is a knowledge that we in our age seem to have lost.

Let us look at something new, which not many have noticed, or indeed will see even when told. Communications by land have been the main factor in the spread of humans across the globe —navigation has come much later. Now imagine a tribe of hominids or a trail of pack mules moving across a tract of land. How awful it would be for them to get bogged down by a large river, by marshes, by ravines or other natural obstacles.

Therefore man has, very early on, acquired an excellent knowledge of topography and geomorphology? Such knowledge has been almost totally lost since well-established road systems made it unnecessary. Looking at map highlighting the natural drainage of Western Europe we shall obtain a clear picture of the shape and extent of the main river basins. Rivers as well as mountain crests might be both a hindrance and an advantage in communication, and they are and have been both.

Depending on their particular nature, a river or a mountain crest might present an impediment or an advantage. In Western Europe only the crests of the Alps and the Pyrenees are not green highways, practically all others are, and indeed have been in use as such since time began. Among rivers only the Danube and the Rhine were navigable for any practical purpose, all other rivers were a hindrance to movement, as they were too shallow or had rapids and strong currents.

In short, practically all watersheds of Western Europe, and the Rhine and Danube have been the first highways of man in Europe. We can examine some of these natural highways and see whether they makes sense as communication routes. Across the vast expanses of Eurasia horsemen have avoided mighty rivers and only forded shallow ones, always taking the shortest cuts.

Migrating people and early traders have also taken advantage of the numerous and intricate natural waterways to reach all places. The Vikings for example traded throughout Eurasia using their long-ships, which were essentially designed for river navigation. I postulate therefore that navigable rivers as well as grassy mountain ridges have been the first highways of mankind.

Whereas river valleys have been the natural highways to cross high mountains, they have been of little use elsewhere before they were reclaimed, cultivated, and their vegetation and marshes domesticated.

Mainland Italy is a clearly defined country since the Alps and the sea largely mark its political boundaries. Looking at the physical map of Italy one can clearly discern the main regions, which appear to have been determined to a great extent by physical geography. The triangular shaped southern Po Valley constitutes Emilia; this has its continuity into the eastern slopes of the Apennine characterized by regular erosion valleys leading from the Apennine watershed to the Adriatic Sea.

On the Northwest is the narrow coastal region of Liguria, a continuation of the French Riviera, adjacent to Tyrrhenian sea we note a considerable hilly region with three lakes, this is the land of ancient Etruria, now divided into Tuscany and Umbria.

Part of Lazio is also the hilly region south of Rome and before the Bay of Naples, which with the surrounding hills forms Campania. The Mountainous region south of the centre adjoining the Adriatic sea forms the Abruzzi. Then the flat heel of Italy is Apulia and the mountainous toe is Calabria, with Basilicata the hilly region in between.

The islands are self-evident and deserve a separate comment. That this regional division is dictated both by nature and by history is plain enough, but let us look at one region in more detail. If we mark the main watersheds of the Peninsula, we obtain a clearer picture as to its geographical structure.

Tyrrhenian Italy —West of the Apennine watershed- presents an articulated system of ridges whereas Eastern Italy has no articulation at all, as ridges run straight to the Adriatic coast from the main Apennine range. In the North we note that the Adige Valley forms the main avenue of access to the Mediterranean from the north.

This runs with the river whilst crossing the Alpine chain, and then climbs on the ridges of the pre-Alpine hills reaching the Venetian plain at Este. That the Apennine range is also a road for the best part of its length is also an established fact, anyone who has walked it knows that. Down to the Abruzzi the Apennines have been the highway of a thriving pastoral economy. The Adige Valley is none other than the famous Amber Route, and the articulate network of Tuscany, Umbria and Lazio represents the backbone of the Etruscan road system.

Taking a closer look at the Tyrrhenian side of Italy we may now obtain a clearer picture of what stated above. On the Adriatic side, the narrower, the ridges are so regular as to give the impression of a comb, on the broader Tyrrhenian side the Antiapennine system of hills offers instead a highlt articulated system of ridge-ways. This network of actual roads is none other than the base upon which Etruria emerged both as a territory and as a nation. We also note very clearly the secondary ridges or watersheds that adjoin it.

Etruria appears to be a region that shaped itself upon a network of transhumance routes, leading from the high summer pastures of the Apennines to the low grazing plains and hills of the sea-land the Maremma. We shall expand elsewhere on transhumance. It appears evident from a number of factors that the inland cities of ancient Etruria arose in the proximity of summer gathering grounds or markets. Whereas the coastal cities arose in the proximity of winter gathering grounds and markets.

As it is the case for many other nations geography, climate and resources have shaped the culture of Italy. A fair question to ask at this stage would now be: How does a road system, largely running along valleys or along foothills relate to this archaic structure of roads running on ridges? Without going into too many unnecessary theoretical explanations a simple diagram will clarify how a ridge-way such as the one on the Apennine crest generated its antithesis: the Via Aemilia, which runs straight along the northern foothills of the Apennines.

Settlement seldom exist on top of ridges, these are either found in its proximity or on riverine or lacustrine terraces above the foothills, generally at the terminus of secondary ridges. At the end of each secondary ridge that descend to the Po Valley from the Apennine crest is a town, an agricultural town which as a settlement is invariably much older than the Via Aemilia upon which it rests today.

In later epochs, with the advancement of technology and the shifting of economic interests to the plain, a road developed that joined up all settlements along the foothills thereby giving origin to the VIA AEMILIA, itself older than Rome. Bearing in mind that we are dealing with a case study, the case being that of a hilly country of recent geological formation such as Italy. Other countries with a different geological history and with a different morphology will present a different case.

In the greater part of Italy ancient settlements tends to be found on raised ground on minor ridges or at the end of a ridge, on a river or lake terraces. Let us look at the location of a traditional Tuscan farm. Many farmhouses in Tuscany were built upon the ruins of earlier houses which in their turn were built upon still older ones often dating back to Hellenistic Etruscan times. We will note how well these Tuscan farms are placed with respect to the network of ridges. The farmhouse in question is located near a secondary watershed of the Antiapennine range.

The hill upon which the farm rests is joined to this ridge-way. Let us now work out the site catchment of the farm. This means drawing a circle with the house at its centre, with a radium of 1 Km, which roughly represents the average space of action of the farmer who lives there.

Naturally the land around the farm includes arable land woodland, shrubland, and grazing meadows. Imagining the farmer applying the same effort in walking in any direction from the farm, in the same period of time he will cover uneven distances due to the nature of the terrain. The circle has now become an irregular shape and this should reflect the actual site catchment of the farm.

In simple words this shape represents the most heavily trodden part of the holding. The catchment area may vary considerably in shape according to many factors. The first conditioning factor is the morphology of the terrain, the second the nature and use of the soil. We may repeat the experiment taking another farmhouse. In all cases we shall notice how the actual catchment varies considerably from the perfect circle of the theoretical area.

If we now look at the relationships between four Neolithic sites in Southern Germany, we will notice that the location of each site is very well chosen. Within each site catchment are in fact included the best of all soils and resources: All settlements have within reach a fair amount of good arable soil, rough and wet grazing land.

If we take a close look at one of the sites we will observe that the resources within it are the best possible within reach. We have so far examined by various stages and degrees, the issue of environmental impact upon human behaviour, upon communications and settlement in very broad terms. The Antiapennine ridge is of course itself an offshoot of Apennine range. My point is that Etruria is a region that shaped itself upon a network of transhumance routes leading from the high summer pastures of the Apennines to the low grazing ground of the plains and hills of the seacoast, the Maremma.

We shall expand elsewhere on this point. If we bear in mind the position of the main Etruscan inland cities we could easily argue that they arose in the proximity of summer gathering grounds or markets. The location of coastal cities, would suggest that they arose in the proximity of winter gathering grounds and markets. Practically no major settlement if found between the inland and the coastal cities in the greater part of Etruria.

As it is the case for many other nations, geography, climate, and resources have shaped the political geography of Italy. Let us look at other examples outside Italy and see whether the issue of ridgeways and watersheds bears any relevance elsewhere. We will also find out that antiquarians and archaeologists there have been aware of this for at least years.

Taking into account the geological differences between the Apennines and the South Downs and Chiltern Hills, we discover that the early inhabitants of the south of England like the early inhabitants of Tuscany, have based their system of communication on ridges and watersheds. The location of Stonehenge and of Witshire in general, with respect to these natural communications is striking.

The position of London on the Thames also makes perfect sense as it is served both by ridge and water-ways, at a crucial spot up the river Thames. Let us now look at a section of the map of Palestine. We shall soon notice that the main watershed between the Mediterranean and the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea with all its secondary watersheds, makes a lot of sense to the human geography of this ancient and well-trodden country. It is an intriguing thought that early man on his way out of Africa might just have walked along this very ridgeway!

After what I have said and what you have already seen this scenario requires no further comment. The picture shows a number of striking features. First the main Apennine ridgeway, which from Liguria to the Abruzzi is a beautiful and easy grassy avenue, indeed used as such by generations of shepherds for thousands of years. Tuscany and Lazio are traversed by a perpendicular ridge that constitutes the watershed of the Chianti Hills and of the volcanic plateau of North Lazio.

If the Apennine watershed has been the main avenue of the great summer pastures, the ridges leading fom there to the Tyrrhenian coast have been the main transhumance routes to the winter pastures of the Maremma and of the Roman Campagna. A fair question to ask would now be this: How does a road system, largely running along valleys or along foothills relate to this archaic structure of roads running on ridges?

Without going into too many unnecessary details I show with this picture how a ridgeway such as the one on top of the Apennines generates its antithesis: the VIA AEMILIA, which runs straight along the northern foothills of the Apennines themselves. Large settlements are seldom found on top of ridges, these are either found in its proximity or on riverine or lacustrine terraces at the end of each secondary ridge. This is certainly the case for all significant agricultural settlements. These Neolithic settlements at the margins of the fertile valley linked up with the main commercial highway of the Apennines through their individual ridges.

On a smaller scale, this is also the case for roads running along the minor valley south of the Apennine watershed. What does a ridgeway look like? On higher ground m to m and above- it is more often a green lane or a footpath. Lower than m of altitude it is often a white road , lower still it might be a motroway. This picture shows the main ridgeway of Etruria in its average appearance, as its average height ranges around m of altitutde.

The hills shown here are those of the Chianti, southeast of Florence. On each of the summits I have found some kind of ancient remains. They might have been night halts for transhumant herds, or night stalls on summer grazing grounds.

On the the hill in the forground, at around m ASL next to a tall aereal, there is a church whose patron saint is Cerbone, the main martyr of Populonia, which by no accident is the Etruscan city at one of the terminals of the ridgeway itself. Sicily and Sardinia are about the same size in area, and although geologically different, their soils offer similar opportunities to both agriculture and pastoralism.

Yet the population of Sicily in the late s, amounted to about 4,,, whereas that of Sardinia amounted to just over 1,, In my own view this demographic difference is to be largely attributed to the fact that Sicily has always had a predominantly agricultural vocation whereas Sardinia has always had a predominantly pastoral vocation.

Two points are made with the example of Sicily and Sardinia: First an economy based on animal husbandry does not support large populations, second the same economy requires considerable space. Pastoralism means space, both in the sense of sheer grazing area, and in the sense of range of movement, as we shall see later, both these factors are essential to grazing animals.

The above diagram the grid behind the pictures of Ice Age animals illustrates the statistical extrapolation that one person namely a Magdalenian reindeer hunter needed reindeer a year to survive, and that reindeer required 60 square Km of grazing. The average human family group was of five people, therefore each family would have needed reindeer to live on for one year.

The grazing land required to support reindeer would be no less than square Km. The large square above represents the sq Km, the dots at the top are the reindeer, the five dots in the circle at the bottom left represent the family group. The circle around the family represents a radius of 3 Km, the daily range of a hunter. Palaeolithic populations, as indeed any pastoral population were very thin on the ground.

Palaeolithic hunters in Glacial Europe amounted to a few thousand bands; the environment of Ice Age Europe was harsh, the only relatively temperate regions were found in the Atlantic zone of France and Iberia. Here early modern man developed a complex culture that had its highest expression in the most sophisticated form of figurative art ever produced by any illiterate society.

The culture of the hunter-gatherers of late glacial Europe, during the period called Magdalenian, went well beyond that of any other hunting culture known to us from the recent or distant past anywhere in both social and technological sophistication. It is a this time that a kind of herd management if not full domestication emerged. Nomadic clans or bands of hunters followed and indeed carefully managed specific herds of red deer, reindeer, bison, ibex etc. It is during this time at any rate that a close relationship started between human and animal which in time was to lead to full domestication.

We are told that the domestication of plants and animals took place or started during the Early Neolithic period in the Near East, namely the region known as the Fertile Crescent. However, one fact is certain, sheep was already a domesticated animal when found in Neolithic remains, and so are wheat and barley, the main crops of the earliest farmers. Surely, both animals and plants must have undergone the necessary processes of genetic mutation, through controlled management and growth before the Neolithic.

During the s it was realized that as herds of deer, bison and wild sheep migrated seasonally to greener pastures, so did men… Before winter, both men and animals would leave the Apennines and head towards the plains of Tuscany and Lazio to find freshly grown grass and a warmer climate.

The reindeer of northern Germany would move south to the hills and mountains of Bavaria to take refuge from parasites and to find fresh meadows. During the s and s archaeologists have found the same pattern all over Europe. It has been through analytical archaeology and the ethnographic work which has accompanied it that researchers now believe a form of domestication of deer, sheep, cow and reindeer already existed during the Magdalenian period, about If since the Lower Palaeolithic period hunters learned the whereabouts of their game, towards the end of the Palaeolithic, they were already highly specialized herd managers According to some authors, complex hunting-gathering societies are characterized by the presence of a techno-economic system based on large scale storage of food, reduced mobility population increase, socio-economic differentiation, social division of labour, developed system of exchange, presence of warfare and intensive ceremonial and social activities.

All these aspects are difficult to demonstrate through archaeology alone. The hypothesis that the sheep was independently domesticated in the Western Mediterranean region before the introduction of farming, formerly accepted, now seems implausible. The argument now goes that both sheep and goat might have spread in advance of farming for reasons other than simple subsistence. Ethnographic accounts suggest that over and above their products livestock offers prestige to owners and plays an important role in establishing social ranking, even in societies at a low technological level.

Mixed hunting herding economies must have persisted for some time after the arrival of farmers, probably as a consequence of the fact that herds and flocks conferred prestige and capital. In Corsica for example sheep, goats and pigs arrived with the first settlers in the 6th millennium, while cereals and cattle seem to have arrived later.

Probably with the growth of population the need for more food, prompted the importation of new resources, but more likely this coincides with the arrival of a different ethnic group which established itself in a different ecological niche. In Greece a littoral civilization seems to have grown alongside a predominantly pastoral culture which exploited the inland regions and the highlands. Researchers believe that communities of transhumant shepherds arose on the plateaus of the French Midi, in the Baleares, on the Apennines and in Sardinia during the Chalcolithic period, exploiting areas marginal to agriculture.

I would add that the same must have happened in the Balkans and elsewhere. The same researchers suggest that the constraints of the pastoral way of life would have caused a fragmentation and the establishment of hierarchies throughout late Neolithic society.

The value of milk could not have been appreciated before domestication, nor could the sheep have been domesticated for its wool, since the wild sheep had no wool. Ryder explains it this way: Sheep and goat went through a stage that made them different from the dog in their domesticated role. The dog had established a symbiotic relationship with man, who had been parasitic to the reindeer. Sheep and goat went through the essential stage of having their reproduction controlled in captivity.

Sheep and goat were psychologically suitable and naturally prone to accepting captivity without loosing their reproductive abilities. The domestication of sheep and goat was the unconscious and gradual strengthening of an association between two species pre-adapted by their respective evolutions to be of mutually beneficial. Lambs may have been caught as hunting decoys or as pets, and then been suckled by women — a practice observed by ethnographers.

The key to the process of domestication is not man the hunter, but woman the nurse… A tendency to keep pets must have also been essential together with a predisposition of the animal itself. Horn variation in goats and tail lengthening with the development of woolly fleece took place very early on in this process — much earlier than any pictorial representation appeared in Mesopotamia. These changes in the domesticated animal are controlled by few genes, and what made sheep ad goat as we know them is an extraordinary closeness between man and animal.

Ryder whether what makes us as we are is to be attributed to our closeness with sheep and goat or to other factors… There is no Neolithic textile made of wool, as the fleece was then too short to spin, the first spun wool appears in the early Bronze Age. There are numerous references in the Classical lterary tradition to confirm this. It is at least a belief of the Romans that it was so. The Latins, as did most of the Italic peoples ploughed the gentler slopes and pastured sheep and goats on the rugged heights.

Fernand Braudel wrongly regarded transhumance as a relic of nomadism, the reverse may be true, it is nomadisn that derives from the practice of transhumance. The reasons are several, as it is difficult to asses from scanty remains of fauna and artifacts whether certain high altitude Neolithic sites were concerned with transhumance or with other seasonal exploitation of the environment. It is true that transhumance is one of the many strategies used in the seasonal exploitation of highland zone resources by societies which have developed agricultural economies.

Seasonal Neolithic sites in highland areas may not always indicate the existence of transhumance they may sometimes indicate the exploitation of resources other than pasture, such as minerals, timber, wild fruits and plants, or game.

Those who are in favour of Neolithic transhumance have produced a wide literature, but it is not made clear what form of seasonal mechanism is envisaged. The question remains as to what extent the highlands were being exploited in prehistory, and in what ways.

Ethnoarchaeology has demonstrated that the exploitation of the highlands, by whatever means is, as a rule, profoundly integrated with lowland society and economy. In historical times it has always been conditioned by political factors. This was the case in Classical antiquity, as records show, but it is an impossible task for an archaeologist to draw any such conclusions from the scanty evidence found in the excavation of a Neolithic site.

Mountains, above metres, are generally uninhabitable during the winter, therefore sites above this altitude are regarded as seasonal. The question as to whether transhumance existed in prehistory in certain areas is bound to remain open. Some authors point out that the evidence for transhumance in Classical literary sources is also unsatisfactory. Others instead take it for granted on consideration of environmental factors and animal physiological requirements, as we shall see here below.

In the French Pyrenees and in Piedmont seasonality of sites, and ovicaprine scheletal remains seem to point to transhumance as the most likely explanation. If transhumance existed in the Neolithic it must have been prompted by the climatic changes which took place at the end of the last glaciation.

It is however clear that generalizations represent a hazard for the researcher, each location has to be studied on the ground of local archaeological, ethnological and environmental evidence. Having said that, there are some plain facts which if taken into careful consideration, may be helpful in understanding the practical reasons and the necessities behind the development of transhumance and perhaps resolve, at a stroke, the question as to whether transhumance was practiced at Neolithic sites where bones of sheep and goats are plentiful.

As far as I am concerned, the controversy was resolved by Prof. Graeme Barker of Leicester University, well over 20 years ago by means of plain and simple observation made in Central Italy. It must be borne in mind that what Barker discovered also applies to many other regions of Europe. Barker states that annual rainfall in Central Italy varies from to 3.

The summer draught is therefore the most severe limiting factor and its effects are concentrated on the lowlands where drastic climatic differences may arise within comparatively short distances. The result of this climate is the seasonality of pasture, which in any one place is much better at one time of the year than at another. As Barker observed, on the high plateaus enclosed between the Apennine ridges or on mountain tops at 1.

So far as I am concerned, the controversy was resolved by Prof. Barker was by no means the first to make the observation, nor the observation he made was so extraordinary, he made it in the right context. It must be borne in mind that what Barker argued also applies to many other regions of Europe. Seasonal grazing also eliminates two further limiting factors at work in an all-year- round exploitation of lowland sites: In the heat of the summer, the water requirements of a sheep can rise to over 5 litres a day and watering the flock can become extremely laborious in the dry months, when water must be pumped or carried to the flocks kept on the lowlands.

Secondly, prolonged grazing on withered pasture produces deficiency in the only vitamin, vitamin A that appears to be vital to sheep nutrition. The traditional response to the constraints of the climate in Italy and elsewhere, has been transhumance: the maintenance of stock on the lowland plains during the winter when grazing is at its best, then the transportation of the animals now by truck, but traditionally on foot , into the high hills and mountains before the onset of the summer months, to take advantage of the spring flush of grass that follows the melting of the snows in May.

Whereas indirect references to pastoralism and nomadism are numerous among Greek authors, Varro, the Latin author of the 1st cent. Pliny the Younger in his letter to Gallus Letters, 2. The Government of the Kingdom of Naples had to send in the cavalry to restore the right of way to the shepherds.

Still at the beginning of the 20th centur, the pastureland of Apulia extended for , hectares including the plains of Capitanata and part of the provinces of Potenza, Bari and Lecce. It was here that at the time of Republican Rome the grazing of sheep from the Abruzzi contributed to create the wealth of cities. The situation in Imperial times is less clear and no written document testifies transhumance in Italy from the times of Varro until the 12th century.

It was in that the constitution of the Norman ruler, William of Malo, established severe restrictions as well as ample rights of pasture to the shepherds of the central Apennines. References to transhumance by foreign travellers to Italy are too numerous to mention from the 16th century onwards. This discovery fits Prof.

In the island of Sardinia, where pastoralism has been an important part of the economy since prehistory, transhumance still exists between the mountains of Barbagia, around Orgosolo, and the lowlands of the south-west, around the ancient sites of Punic and Roman coastal towns. Many writers have associated banditry on this island with the traditional and deep-seated enimity between pastoralists and arable farmers, although this may be questionable on historical and sociological grounds.

The absence of a strong central authority in southern France, as in north-western Italy, may explain the lack of legislation regulating transhumance there. There were, until recent years, large numbers of flocks in Provence and Languedoc. The pattern was to drive them into the Alps, the Pyrenees or onto the Central Massif for summer grazing.

There was an organization based in Arles whose main concern was to safeguard the merino pedigree of associated flocks, but little else beyond that. When formalized rights existed in France, they were community rights. However, local rulers were as interested in the financial aspects of transhumance in France as rulers anywhere.

Early in the 13th century, Count Raymond-Berenger V of Provence imposed a tax on animals which wintered on the lowlands. Charles V of Anjou did the same. Catherine Delano Smith also states that transhumance has been one of the dramatic characteristics of western Mediterranean lands. Whether flocks are large or small the animals must be kept under control at all times and their movements must be orderly.

The passage of flocks across the length and breadth of a country required legislation from a higher authority to avoid conflicts between shepherds on one side and farmers and landowners on the other. Whereas the mountains may be often regarded as free for all, the same cannot be said of arable hills and lowlands. In Spain all four of the titles of the Visigothic that deal directly with agriculture refer to the problem of damage to crops caused by grazing animals.

The former had emerged by and was officially disbanded in , the latter went on until The lined areas show the distribution of arable land, generally flood plains, the blank areas show the distribution of higher ground suitable for grazing. We do not know whether the shepherds of Neolithic KOROS were the farmers themselves, or a separate ethnic group belonging to the older Mesolithic population, there is however one striking fact shown by this distribution: the strategic position of all settlements.

Since all grazing land is situated within two Km from any settlement, transhumance was probably unnecessary in this case and sheep may have been fed in winter -as it was still the case for small flocks in my own times- with stored poplar leaves or other fodder especially put away in summer. This initial form of short range wandering, may have led in time to shepherds being away from home for longer periods.

In the Alps for example, shepherds spend the winter at home in the valley bottom, and take their sheep to high pastures , in summer, within 10 Km from home at most, where they reside in huts. In Central and Southern Italy, archaeologists have found what in my view is clear evidence of longer-range seasonal migration. Whether this migration involved whole families or only some members of a community is impossible to find out with the evidence at hand.

The map shows areas of highland and lowland Neolithic settlement in Central-Southern Ital, from the lowlands of the Maremma and the Roman Campagna, which were related to the upland of the Abruzzi, to the upland settlement area of the Gargano peninsula and the lowland area of the Tavoliere, and finally the highlands of Calabria with adjoining lowland on the Ionian coast.

The above map shows the historical transhumance routes of Romania. Romania is the land of the Wallachs, or Vlachs, a Latiin speaking people of rather mysterious origin. The Wallachs, no longer pure nomads, are nevertheless -together with other groups in Greece and Balkans- pure shepherds. They are constantly referred to by ethnographers and ethnoarchaeologists as model for the study of pastoralism in Europe in the present and in the past.

Recent research however, demonstrates that during the Barbaric invasions of the 5th century AD and afterwards, there came into Europe several hundred thousands of pure nomadic shepherds from Central Asia. These were the Alans, who came along with the Goths and settled in the exact areas where shepherds have been most numerous in early modern times.

Pure nomadic pastoralism is a different issue and we shall deal with it later. The issues of interest are: a Where are ot were the customary grazing grounds in Malta and Gozo? What was their geographical relationship with the villages and towns. Was grass available all year round or was fodder stored for winter.

Has any research being carried out as to the genetic origin or associations of the Maltese sheep? John G. BAR, International series, 4 : Graeme W. Barker The conditions of cultural and economic growth in the Bronze Age of central Italy. In Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 38, , LVI No , March They summarize and illustrate the contents of the research, the idea behind it, and, in a broader sense, the process of investigation, which includes both a scientific and a didactic aim.

The aim of the project is to make a historical and archaeological study of a southern Italian, upland region —the Classical Samnium- focussing on the economic implications of a system of drove roads. We are interested in its development and its in fluence on social organization, religious beliefs, settlement patterns and ideological and economic structures.

In a broad sense our aim is to investigate the interaction between man and environment over the long period, from pre-Roman to post-Roman times. Landscape and settlements An inland territory 30km northeast of Benevento was chosen as the area for our pilot- study. The area chosen for survey constitutes a rectangle, ca. In antiquity this region was part of the ethnic territory of the Hirpini.

The morphology of the landscape is characterised by ridges of rough hills and narrow river valleys; continuous high ridges command the surrounding territory. Two main river valleys penetrate into the area: to the south, the valley of the Miscano, and to the north the valley of the Tammaro. The drove climbs up the hill, a rise of about m, it skirts Buonalbergo going uphill, and passes downhill through Casalbore to reach the bottom of the valley of the River Miscano, where it meets the Via Traiana.

The three-dimensional diagram shows the relationships between the droves, the relevant sites and the topography of the region. We will notice the high location of Medieval forts in contrast to the Roman farms on lower ground, at hand with roads and streams. The elevated position of ancient cemeteries and their position with respect to settlements is likewise clearly visible.

Surveys and excavations carried out in our area have so far failed to locate any settlement or a hill-fort of the Samnite period. At Casalbore a settlement dating from pre-Roman times has been excavated and a necropolis with tumuli covering a vast area north of the town can be seen while walking in the fields.

By analogy with other pre-Roman settlement areas, one should expect a hill-fort to have existed in the area. Since the Romans settled on the plains and lower valley slopes, close to arable land and water, ancient hill-forts should be easily identifiable. Early medieval settlements, generally of Longobard origin, are even more rare than the pre-Roman hill-forts in this area, wherever found these usually have strong and well- built defensive walls. Longobard sites, such as watch-posts, can be located solely through place-names of Germanic origin.

In winter the upland grazing ground is covered in snow whereas the lowland pastures turn luxuriantly green with the frequent rains. In summer, on the other hand, the lowland pastures become parched by the heat of the sun, wile the upland meadows return green after the melting of the snow. In the Apennine regions of Italy, the shifting of the flocks often involves long distances: moving the flocks from the mountains of Abruzzo to the plains of Apulia usually took a month in each direction.

This economy eventually became so profitable that during Roman times the administration and management of drove roads calles virtually became a state within the state, and for a period of time the area became a province in the Roman administration. The territory and its management was under state control and employed a strictly hierarchical labour force, including slaves.

In contrast to the Roman roads, which were designed and constructed for military ends, the droves were used for several purposes. The many calles crossing these inland regions hosted a continuous flow of men, goods, animals and soldiers. The transhumance economy, still fluorishing in the Middle Ages, was brought to a higher level of organisation by the Aragonese, who re-modelled it on the Spanish Mesta.

The art of preparing the skin and of processin wool, to produce the raw materials and finished products, required a specialised work-force, organised in a hierarchical system based on labour division. These products , the result of an industrial organisation, competed with or were exchanged for those already famous from England. Competent capital and credit management, allowed some individuals to accumulate enormous fortunes by dealing in wool, and this wealth had reflections in the splendour of Central Italian cities and towns during the early Renaissance.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the transhumance economy wained considerably, owing to circumstances related to the impact of imported Australian wool into the European markets. This crisis prompted an increase in the cultivation of cereals on the plains in Apulia.

The seasonal migration continued, albeit on a smaller scale, well into modern times. In the s, flocks were still seen being driven along these roads. Today, the trails are no longer used for long-distance movements, and the flocks are transported in trucks. The ancient drove road, which starts at Pescasseroli in the Abruzzo and ends at Candela in Apulia, and that was later re-integrated as Regio Tratturo 7, runs across our survey area.

Many of the shepherds who have been parties to this age-old ecological system are still with us on these highlands; they undoubtedly constitute a great potential for ethno- archaeological investigations. Sacred places Many ancient cults and ritual practices can be connected to the pastoral life.

Some religious features, which are closely linked to the mobile pastoral economy, show a striking constancy through time. They celebrate the moment before the transhumant shepherds leave respectively return to the mountains after the distant winter pasturage. While settlement patterns differ through historical periods, sacred places tend to be continually frequented.

The only excavated and documented, ancient sanctuary in this area is the so-called Samnite temple at Macchia Porcara in Casalbore, which lies in close proximity to the drove road Regio Tratturo 7, which runs through the modern town and was used until recently for the same purpose.

The occurrence of several, scattered, sulphurous springs is a geological phenomenon typical of the Hirpinian territory. The healing and purifying effects of sulfur were well known in antiquity and were practiced for both men and animals, particularly for the sheep. Several cult places of early and later Christianity in the survey area show traces of continuity from antiquity. Due to the Longobard dominion of ca.

He is represented both in a high place chapel above the River Tammaro and a cave sanctuary at Casalbore. The shrine has clearly been modelled on the great underground sanctuary at Monte Gargano, an important place of pilgrimage for the Longobards. Maria dei Bossi, in close proximity to the Via Traiana, was built into a late Roman mausoleum and held a prominent position until modern times, being connected to an extensive and important riposo resting-place for the transhumant herds during the Aragonese reintegration of the network of tratturi.

The respective histories of the sacred places should also illuminate the history of the Via Egnatia and Via Traiana and the mysterious Via Sacra Langobardorum, leading the pilgrims to the holy shrine at Monte Gargano and some of the crusaders to the Holy Land. Publications The results of the preliminary investigation that took place in a selected survey area in the inland of Campania during the summer of , are published in "Per Itinera Callium".

Report on a pilot project. This article also contains an introduction to the historical and geographical spaces that the Appenine transhumance system embraces and in particular the spatial entity of the Hirpini. A reconstruction of their ethnic identity and geographical boundaries is proposed. This questions the traditional view of the Samnite territory, which reflects a rather frequent case of ethnocentric history making. Contrary to the ancient authors, which clearly distinguish between Samnite and Hirpinian territory, an arbitrary enlargement of the ethnographic and geographic entity of Samnium has been made; this has created a great confusion between geographical entities and ethnic groups.

This happened as a response to strategies adopted both by animals and plants to changing ecological condition and habitat at the close of the last Great Glaciation, around Patterns of exploitation must have caused processes of selective modification among the adaptive genetic components of some species. According to traditional archaeology where these species are found today they must have been found before domestication started.

Between By the end of this period man the nomadic forager had settled in villages, relying primarily on farming and stock raising for his livelihood. After a long interaction between humans and certain plants and animals, sedentism emerged as a new way of life. Some plants and animals had evolved into new forms and varieties under continual manipulation Naomi F.

Wheat and barley were regularly gathered wherever they grew wild, and eventually they were planted in adjoining areas where they did not grew naturally. Braidwood and Howe The Jarmo Project was approached with a multidisciplinary method and although the settlement later turned out not to be the oldest in the region, it remained the example and the model for a multidisciplinary approach to the problem of the origins of farming.

Other fundamental projects were carried out by British archaeologist Eric Higgs in the s All reasearch in the Near East lead to a conclusion: farming is associated with sedentism right from the start. The very earlieast morphologically new plants occur in the archaeological record from about 9. Barley, einkorn and emmer wheat were the first among domesticated food plants.

Durum grain appears around 8. Legumes also appear in the sequence but are more difficult to assess. The rise in sea level and in temperature lead to an increase in populations of plants and mollusks, which soon entered the diet of post glacial communities. Plant remains have always been analyzed within cultural contexts, namely from archaeological excavations. Early research results were however misleading at times, since Not all seeds found were necessarily part of human diet.

Naomi Miller found for example that some seed species entered a cultural context from the practice of using animal dung as fuel for cooking. Others came in as animal fodder. Many of the early assumptions have recently been reassessed along similar lines Who needs cultivation? Archaeologists of the s such as Harlan and Zohary , Binford argued that where plants and animals are plentiful, planting seeds and raising animals for food seems a paradox.

People are unlikely to cultivate what they can gather or hunt in plenty around them, its is rather the expansion in population that abundance of food brings about, which causes migrant groups to move onto other regions less plentiful and then bring with them seeds and animals for cultivation and stock raising.

It is therefore with migration from areas where availability of natural food resources has caused a growth in population that cultivation and stock keeping begins. This is the key to the understanding of the whole mechanism that caused the Neolithic Revolution. Population growth prompted the realization that a vegetable diet could support a larger population.

As the areas adjacent to the natural growth regions became in their turn more densely populated, communities began to plant more and more crops intentionally to ensure adequate food supplies. Different populations resorted to preferred foods. The Natufians for example, resorted to the exploitation of the wild gazelle as their peculiar diet.

Near Eastern sedentism was essential to the beginning of domestication and cultivation. Climatic change brought about spontaneous growth of food plants and animals in this region and people soon discovered how to gather and store sufficient quantities of foods for the rainy days.

They also learned how to manage the wild herds of gazelle in order both to have plenty to eat and not deplete the resource.

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